Hofstra freshman Krista Camacho’s bright, kiddish smile shrinks when asked about her personal gift-giving traditions, especially about her habit of buying gift cards. When asked how frequently she buys the plastic cards of convenience, she answers sheepishly: “I try not to.”
Krista isn’t alone—she is one of many Americans who buy into the gift-carding tradition, forgoing personalized gifts for the go-to standard in quick gifting. For her, buying these cards unwraps the struggle of purchasing that perfect present. “
They can choose what
they want. It’s like giving them money, only with more of a purpose.”
While the benefits of choosing gift cards over more personalized gifts are compelling, they may be encouraging people to do the very opposite of what is beneficial about acts of charity: denying them the emotional and social growth that gifting can provide. At the same time, the overuse of this apparently insignificant solution represents something about the whole of American culture and consumerism: something to which not many readily admit.
That denial cannot come easily: on a walk through any popular American supermarket or convenience store, one will see them—usually placed strategically near the check-out counter—and one cannot help but marvel in their consumer appeal. Gift cards of the Visa variety, the ones boasting compatibility wherever Visa is accepted, seem to be the most aggressive. “Visa gift cards are perfect for any occasion: smart, thoughtful, and always well received” (Visa). Confidently self-referential, the cards themselves
already know how great they are and how they will be received: they take away that worry on the purchaser’s part, ensuring that the only tough decision concerns the denomination. And how curious that decision is—the fact that each card has a definite value asserts that the purchaser subconsciously evaluates how monumental or generous he or she wants to be at the till. That concept of value confounds its actual value, Krista speculates. “It looks like you put more effort into it than just giving them money.”
But why not give money? Visa’s website advertises its gift cards as “welcome at any of the millions of locations where Visa debit cards are accepted,” but there is something even more universally accepted than Visa cards: cold, hard cash. After all, these cards would be useless without the attachment of monetary value, and, if their advertising claims are to be believed, it is their function to replace cash with retail applications. With further research, however, it is clear that they do not resemble money in any clear way. All one must do is read the “cardholder agreement,” the lengthy legalese printed on minuscule scraps of paper that come with these cards, and special terms and fees are revealed. For a $25 Vanilla brand Visa gift card, a compulsory $4.95 “activation fee” must be paid in order to use the card—after purchase. These fees can rise as the denomination rises, reaching up to $7.95 for a $200 gift card. Even more inconvenient are their terms of use: these gift cards are non-reloadable, non-refundable, non-returnable bits of plastic with value that depreciates over time (Bancorp).
If these gifts are such impersonal impostors, misleading products, and unlikely to be the subject of someone’s pride, how could they become so wrapped up in American society? Perhaps the answer lies in the theories of Thorstein Veblen, American economist and sociologist from the early 20th century. Veblen introduced several groundbreaking social concepts in his life’s work, combining “survival of the richest” Darwinistic perspectives with then-new capitalist institutions. His most important contribution, however, was the concept of “conspicuous consumption” that dictated the socioeconomic actions of Americans on a grand scale, depicting them as beings who acquire social identity through the preference to purchase products that make themselves appear more attractive than they might really be (Elwell). In essence, his theories regarding economic activity boiled down to one vice: vanity. Such a vice contributes to the desire to buy these gift cards instead of gifting money; slipping cash into a greeting card is unsentimental, whereas gift cards can be more attractive and represent more conscious thought on the gifter’s part. If this is true, the stereotypes that fuel the international perception of American consumerism—excessive consumption; high-powered advertisements; cheap, fast, and unhealthy food choices—don’t only exist in criticisms of America, but are the very truths that define it. Something as insignificant as gift carding can have enormous cultural implications.
But not all of gift card buyers do so because of a suppressed desire to be attractive, nor due to a drastic change in social norms. As difficult as it is to swallow, gift cards can serve some rational purpose in the lives of Americans. As Krista puts it, “[gift cards are] safer during the holiday time, because you don’t know what other people are getting them. If you give them a gift card, they won’t buy the same sweatshirt their grandmother gave them.” This concept of gift collision is a commonly experienced dilemma during holidays and special occasions. Before the existence of gift cards, gift receivers would deal with duplicate gifts by either “regifting” or caching the gift. Later, with the advent of gift cards, the reception of gift cards themselves would perpetuate regifting: in a habit I can attest to observing, my brother would often send gift cards he found useless to other unknowing recipients. The futility of this was ironic: the person receiving his former gift would often find it just as useless. This phenomena contributes to the observation that gift recipients value personalized gifts more than their plastic, rectangular counterparts. Hofstra University student and blogger Jill Saba writes about her own personal observations concerning gift cards, especially her mother’s decision to buy them. After explaining her mother’s rationale for purchasing the cards, she writes: “she likes to feel that she put at least a smidgen of thought into the gift,” implying that which her mother does not seem to understand: gift card recipients feel that, when given the cards, they are not the object of the gift-giving thought they deserve.
Even the subtle act of receiving such a gift bereft of intention can be detrimental to a relationship’s basic moorings. In a
New York Times article examining the effects of gift-giving on human relationships, consumer psychologist Margaret Rucker cites research that underlines the important of gift-giving on “strengthening” relationship bonds, and, conversely, “[signalling] that a relationship should end” (Parker-Pope). Jill Saba’s mother may be unknowingly “signalling” her gift card recipients that she doesn’t value their relationship because she gives gifts that they consider disappointing or not personal enough. Considering this research, the clichĂ© flower-giving phenomena that is made use of in so many serious relationships may hold water as a real way to illicit psychological responses inherently in the act of gift-giving. With this, the American gift-giving tradition is tarnished by the overuse of gift cards because they send the wrong message to the recipients, potentially causing unintended repercussions that put relationships in danger.
Despite this, gift cards were ranked as the second most given gift by Americans in 2006 (Consumers), and the gift card-buying habit doesn’t seem to be stopping. A substantiation for the product’s momentum might be the economic environment Americans find themselves in. With the American economy in slow recovery, consumers now find themselves with tighter budgets—and gifting is the first cost to take reductions. Rather than devote extra time and money into personalized gifting, Americans can turn to gift cards as a manageable, universally-applicable, and time-saving present. Speaking from personal experience, Krista Camacho sees the retail gift card market benefiting from the recession. “You’ll decide to buy gift cards because you set the cost. Gifts will vary in price, but not gift cards. The time spent buying personalized gifts is spent working instead.”
With this in mind, it seems that traditional gift-giving is on a downward trend. The reasoning behind this conclusion is clear, but the implications of its meaning is disquieting. How does this change how Americans convey their gratitude and appreciation of friendship? If this is to reflect how cost-conscious and cash-dependent Americans are, then the stereotypes are true. As an educated nation, we make the choice to buy plastic loaded with fees and hidden terms, with associated social stigmas and cultural admonishment, only to serve ourselves in acts of selfish frugality. The very existence of gift cards, in terms of their consumer appeal and market significance, reveals something about the American public’s attraction to quick solutions to difficult questions. Still, it is clear that the gift-giving tradition is an important one due to its relevancy in crafting and strengthening relationships and establishing good social grammar—so gift-giving is something we cannot overlook as a nation. Even in economic hardship, there are personalized solutions to the gift-giving problem that can better communicate the feelings that a gift should—and steer people clear from the tantalizing guise of an easy out.
The Bancorp Bank, ITC Financial Licenses, Inc. and IH Financial Licenses, Inc.
Vanilla Visa® Gift Card Cardholder Agreement. 15 Sept. 2010. Legal contract.
Camacho, Krista R. Personal interview. 12 Feb. 2011.
Consumers Union of U.S., Inc. “Avoid Gift Card Pitfalls.” ConsumerReports.org. Dec. 2007. Web. 15 Feb. 2011.
Elwell, Frank.
Veblen’s Sociology. Rogers State University, 2003. Web. 15 Feb. 2011.
Parker-Pope, Tara. “A Gift That Gives Right Back? The Giving Itself.”
The New York Times 11 Dec. 2007. nytimes.com, 11 Dec. 2007. Web. 13 Feb. 2011.
Saba, Jill. “Gift Cards.” Web log post.
Here and Now. 3 Feb. 2011. Web. 14 Feb. 2011.
Visa Inc. “Prepaid & Gift Cards.”
Visa.com. Web. 15 Feb. 2011.